No one can say with certainty who will be elected in Taiwan's congressional party or president in 2032. It is confident that the composition of the Congress in 2032, the presidential election and even the reorganization of the government after the election will be based on the liberal democratic constitutional mechanism. The people's pursuit of pluralism, equality, freedom, human rights and human dignity will only become more determined. What is certain is that in the next 10 years, Taiwan will continue to experience internal and external turmoil caused by the Chinese factor, changes in its internal demographic structure, and the impact of global crises. Government efficiency and constitutional principles must be updated and improved. So in 2032, the people of Taiwan will still use this constitution, which was designed and formulated in 1947 and extended after 1990 by replacing some parts seven times? The author is very skeptical. The liberal democratic constitutional system is worthy of the people's protection and will always be upheld.
However, is this "Constitution of the Republic of China" worthy of observance by the people? When the Constitution of the Republic of China was formulated in Nanjing, China in 1947, it had little to do with the people of Taiwan, and the process of formulating the Constitution did not follow democratic procedures, and was inherently lacking in democratic legitimacy. Furthermore, the Constitution became a document under the martial law system as soon as it was implemented, and the separation of powers, checks and balances, and the protection of basic human rights number list were frozen and distorted. The name is Xingxian, but in fact the party-state maintains the illusion of a facade. Third, after the mobilization period ended in 1990, a comprehensive constitutional reform was not carried out in response to the current situation in Taiwan. Instead, the National Assembly put a "unification spell" on the development of Taiwan's constitutional government, and only made partial and fragmentary repairs to the constitution. Seek truth from facts. Fourth, the "high threshold for constitutional amendments" created after the 2005 constitutional amendment made it impossible to renovate buildings that violated the constitution and became dangerous buildings.
The most deadly thing is that this constitution fails to legally confirm that the Republic of China and the People's Republic of China are not subordinate to each other, thus hindering the normal development of Taiwan and even endangering the country's existence and security. Unless the above-mentioned constitutional problems can be solved one by one in the next decade, it is difficult to be optimistic about Taiwanese politics in 2032. Fortunately, with the passage of time, the generation with Chinese nostalgia or unification fantasies withered away, replaced by a new generation in Taiwan after the lifting of the martial law. The opportunity to formulate a new constitution for Taiwan is getting closer. The author believes that the key to the sustainable development of liberal democratic constitutional government in 2032 lies in the current constitutional reform. Whether through constitutional revision or constitution-making, the people of Taiwan must have a constitution that can establish Taiwan's sovereignty and independence, clarify the government's separation of powers and checks and balances, meet expectations for human rights protection, and enhance government effectiveness.